RAEL
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WHEN in the long course of human events a government, constituted to secure the natural rights of the people, becomes instead the instrument of their plunder; when those entrusted with the public treasure convert it to private gain; when the sword entrusted to protect the republic is turned upon the republic itself; when the names of those who govern appear not in the public record alongside their crimes, but in the private flight manifests of convicted sex traffickers — it becomes not merely the right but the solemn duty of free men to name what they see, and to act accordingly.
We do not write in anger. We write in the manner of surveyors: we state the datum, we run the traverse, we close the loop, and we record what the numbers say. Every claim that follows is a matter of public record. Where it is our interpretation and not the record, we say so.
The Congress of these United States has, over the course of four decades, accumulated a public debt of thirty-three trillion dollars in the name of the American people. No plebiscite was held. No constitutional amendment was passed. The people were not asked. The debt was levied as a tax is levied, except that it does not appear on any return, and its collection is deferred to children not yet born, who had no vote and cast none.
Inflation is the collection mechanism. When the Treasury prints currency to service the debt, the purchasing power of every dollar held by every working person declines. This is a tax without a line on your return. It appears instead in your rent, your groceries, and the price of a used automobile.
This is not governance. It is hostage-taking with the hostages still seated at the table, under the impression they are guests.
The Department of Defense receives eight hundred and twenty-four billion dollars per annum from the public treasury. It has failed, in the year 2018, in the year 2019, in the year 2020, in the year 2021, in the year 2022, in the year 2023, and in the year 2024, to produce a clean audit of that expenditure. Seven audits. Seven failures. No penalty. No reduction. No accountability.
A private citizen who failed once to account for his finances to the proper authority would find himself before a court. The Department of Defense has failed seven consecutive times and finds itself before no one. The appropriation increases each year regardless.
The people pay this bill. The people are not permitted to see what it purchased. This is not an oversight. It is the architecture.
Jeffrey Epstein operated, for a period of no fewer than three decades, a trafficking network servicing the most powerful men in the Western world. He was known to those men. He traveled with those men. His flight manifests bear their names.
He was arrested first in 2008. He was permitted to negotiate a secret non-prosecution agreement with federal prosecutors in the Southern District of Florida — an agreement later described by the presiding federal judge as a violation of the Crime Victims' Rights Act — by which he served thirteen months in a county jail while retaining his fortune and his connections. His victims were not notified. They were not consulted.
Prince Andrew, Duke of York, settled a civil suit brought by one of Epstein's documented victims. He paid, by all reported accounts, twelve million dollars. He did not contest the underlying conduct in any court. He was permitted to retire from public life. No criminal charge was brought against him in any jurisdiction.
These were not fringe figures. They sat at the policy table. Their names appear on the donor rolls and in the appointment records of the very institutions charged with their prosecution. The law, as written, does not tolerate this. The law, as administered, has tolerated nothing else.
Robert Menendez, senior United States Senator from the state of New Jersey, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was convicted in the year 2024 on charges of bribery, extortion, wire fraud, obstruction of justice, and acting as a foreign agent of Egypt and Qatar.
The Senator did not deny receiving these things. He denied that they constituted payment for official acts. The jury deliberated and did not believe him. He had access to classified intelligence during the period of the alleged conduct. He is not the first Senator convicted of bribery. He will not be the last. He was simply the one caught with the gold still in the wall.
Clarence Thomas, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, received from a single benefactor — Mr. Harlan Crow of Texas, a real estate developer and Republican donor — gifts that investigators valued at no fewer than four million dollars over a period of more than two decades.
He was not removed from the bench. He was not censured by any body with authority to do so. He continues to issue opinions on matters in which parties connected to his patron hold a material interest. The gift-giver continues to give. The Justice continues to receive. The Court continues to sit.
Since the year 2001, the United States has been in a condition of continuous armed conflict in no fewer than seven countries simultaneously. In that period, the following candidates were elected President on platforms that included ending one or more of those conflicts, and did not:
The men who profit from the continuation of these conflicts do not appear on ballots. They appear on the donor rolls of both parties. They manufacture the weapons. They sit on the boards of the think-tanks that write the policy. They are not elected. They do not leave office. The candidates change. The contracts do not.
We, the undersigned, do not call for the destruction of these institutions. We call for something harder: their honest accounting.
We invoke the Declaration of Independence, which states in terms admitting no ambiguity that when any form of government becomes destructive of the ends for which it was established, it is the Right of the People to alter or abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness.
We invoke the Ninth Amendment to the Constitution, which states that the enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. The right to govern ourselves locally — by people we know, under rules we wrote, with books we keep and open for inspection — was never surrendered. It was not in the list because it preceded the list.
We are not asking permission. The Declaration did not ask permission. It stated a fact, cited the evidence, and acted. We do the same.
Our demand is specific and it is one: the right to decline federal authority over our ground, our labor, and our lives. The right to be governed locally. The right to build, on our own land, under our own compact, a community that keeps honest books.
The door is open. It opens outward. We are not running.
Those who have read it and signed it. Your name. Your ordinal. On the record.